On Taiwan: Did US fighter jets escort Speaker Pelosi to Taiwan?

Taipei Times

Mon, Aug 22, 2022 

page 8
 
By John J. Tkacik  
 
Taipei Times readers may not have noticed, but for several days at the beginning of the month, there was a considerable amount of American jet fighter activity out of Okinawa. On Saturday, July 30, Ryukyu Shimpo (琉球新報) reported the unusual arrival of nine refueling tankers at Kadena Air Base (嘉手納空軍基地). Then, just after dark at 2100 hours Tuesday, August 2, eight US Air Force F-15 “Eagle” fighters flying out of Kadena flashed onto civilian aviation radar screens roughly 50 nautical miles east of Taipei. They were configured for either “combat air patrol” (CAP) or “defensive counter-air” (DCA) maneuvers. Attending these eight heavily-armed American jets were another four American KC-135 tanker aircraft farther east.
 
This twelve-ship air mission was visible because its transponder signals were live and were reported by an amateur aviation website in Japan using the Twitter handle “@TokyoRadar.” “@TokyoRadar” tweeted that the twelve aircraft returned to Kadena at midnight after four hours in the air.
 
Early the following evening, Japan’s NHK news website reported that another six American F-15 fighter jets had launched from Kadena air base at 1720 hours. The Wednesday mission was accompanied by three large in-flight refueling KC-135s. These nine aircraft proceeded to the same rendezvous point over the seas east of Taiwan, arriving at about 1900 hours.
 
The timing of these missions suggests they were part of combined US Navy and Air Force protective operations for US Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s controversial travel to Taipei. It was no coincidence that the Speaker’s “special air mission” US Air Force Boeing 737-700 entered Taiwan airspace late Tuesday night — exactly as the eight F-15 Eagles from Kadena loitered within a 50 nautical mile radius to ensure her safety; and it departed Taipei Songshan airport for Seoul the following evening to meet the six F-15 Eagle escort which again enclosed the Boeing 737 in a DCA bubble several dozen miles wide.
 
Not only were there US Air Force fighter formations in the air to cover Speaker Pelosi’s Taipei arrival and departure, on seas east of Taiwan the US Navy’s USS Ronald Reagan Carrier Strike Group (CSG) steamed with a full air wing embarked. The Reagan cancelled a port call in Vietnam the week ahead of Ms. Pelosi’s Taiwan journey and made way at flank speed out to the Philippine Sea. At the last moment, the Pelosi air mission flight-path had made a wide diversion over Borneo and Celebes, thence north along the east coast of the Philippine Islands, a maneuver necessary to avoid a fraught direct transit of the South China Sea. As Pelosi’s airplane approached nighttime Taiwan from the east, the massive helicopter carrier USS Tripoli with its Marine air wing of vertical take-off/landing F-35 “Lightning” fighters embarked, stood sentinel upon the seas below.
 
Both the USS Reagan and the USS Tripoli task forces remained in the waters east of Taiwan through the Pelosi visit and through the subsequent Chinese missile strikes of August 4-7, both to gather telemetry from the Chinese ballistic missiles and to provide support to Taiwan military, air and naval forces should China provoke a crisis.
 
In fact, these two aircraft carriers and their fleets remain in the Philippine Sea off Taiwan as of this writing. Biden’s top Indo-Pacific aide, Kurt Campbell, said on Friday August 12, “President Biden directed the USS Ronald Reagan to stay on station as the PRC continued its provocative activities.” The Tripoli remains as well. It is a show of American military force in the Taiwan area unseen since the Formosa Strait Crisis of 1958.
 
But it was unavoidable. As soon as news of Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s possible visit to Taiwan was reported by the Financial Times on July 19, Beijing’s propaganda machine pelted both US Speaker Pelosi and Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) with a steady hail of threats, insults and opprobrium in increasing volume and violence.
 
On Friday morning, July 28, President Biden himself phoned Chinese State Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) to calm the waters, but to no avail. Both in public media and in confidential demarches China’s reactions became ever more strident and ominous. The Financial Times reported “one person said China had expressed ‘stronger opposition’ to the US in private than before.” And that “several other people familiar with the situation said the private rhetoric went even further by suggesting a possible military response.” In tandem with back-channel Chinese ultimatums, China’s state-controlled social media unleashed vituperation. The day after news of Pelosi’s putative visit, commentator Hu Xijin (胡錫進) suggested “PLA military aircraft will accompany Pelosi’s plane to enter the island, making a historic crossing of the island by military aircraft from the mainland for the 1st time. Its significance would overwhelm Pelosi’s visit.”
 
Speaker Pelosi was unimpressed, even as Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Mark A. Milley, Indo-Pacific Command chief Admiral John C. Aquilino and others briefed her on the elaborate and complex military planning necessary to protect her travel. By Saturday July 23, according to Josh Rogin of The Washington Post, plans were under way to deploy the Reagan and the Tripoli to Taiwan and to assign air force fighter jets “for close air support.” In the end, General Milley, no doubt aware of the Speaker’s firm intention to continue with her Taiwan plans, told reporters, “If there’s a decision made that Speaker Pelosi or anyone else is going to travel and they asked for military support, we will do what is necessary to ensure a safe conduct of their visit.”
 
I suspect US officials expended little effort to sugar-coat this news for Beijing. Chinese interlocutors stepped up the heat. Chinese Defense Ministry spokesman Senior Col. Tan Kefei (譚克非) said July 26, “the Chinese military will never sit idly by and will certainly take strong and resolute measures to thwart any interference by external forces.”
 
Perhaps on instructions from the Central Propaganda Department, Global Times commentator Hu Xijin could contain himself no longer. On Friday, July 29, he tweeted, “if US fighter jets escort Pelosi’s plane into Taiwan, it is invasion. The PLA has the right to forcibly dispel Pelosi’s plane and the US fighter jets, including firing warning shots and making tactical movement of obstruction. If ineffective, then shoot them down.”
 
At this, the censors at Twitter balked. Advocating the assassination of the Speaker of the US House of Representatives is too much, even for them. Twitter blocked Hu Xijin’s account and the next day Hu was compelled to delete his offending tweet.
 
But the damage was done. Ms. Pelosi was more determined than ever to see her Taipei journey through to the end. 
 
In truth, Speaker Pelosi has braved much more dangerous travel in just the past few months.
 
 On May 1, one day after Russian rockets rained down upon United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres visiting Kyiv, Ms. Pelosi flew secretly into the Ukrainian capital to meet with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and to reassure Ukrainians of the US Congress’s strong support for their resistance to Russia. Her Ukraine touchdown was successful — and secret. Pelosi tried to keep her Taiwan plans secret, too, but they were leaked to reporters by administration officials who hoped to derail her travel. Once public, however, no amount of threats could dissuade her.
 
In my last column, I explained: 
 
so long as China pretends to have a ‘peaceful’ policy toward Taiwan, the United States will pretend to have a ‘one China’ policy.” 
 
And I suspect that every time a senior US official meets a Chinese counterpart, this reality is explained and re-explained. At last, the message seems to be soaking in.
 
On August 10, Beijing’s “State Council Taiwan Affairs Office” suddenly issued a “White Paper on the Taiwan Question.” It was only the third such “White Paper” in three decades. The first one was issued one day before the first Cross-Strait talks in Beijing in August 1993; that 1993 version mentioned the word “peaceful” 22 times. The second came in February 2000, right before the election of Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) as president of Taiwan. It included the word “peaceful” 20 times. This August 2022 iteration, entitled “The Taiwan Question and China’s Reunification in the New Era,” mentions “peaceful reunification” 55 times!
 
 It’s not much, but it’s something.
 
 Perhaps Beijing’s condescension to repeat the word “peaceful” 55 times in this rare, once-a-generation “Taiwan” policy document was coaxed out of the Chinese state council by Speaker Pelosi’s fighter escorts.
 
 
 
 
John J. Tkacik, Jr. is a retired US foreign service officer who has served in Taipei and Beijing and is now director of the Future Asia Project at the International Assessment and Strategy Center.
 
 

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" ... I have always felt that strength and diplomacy go together. If you go to a negotiation and you do not have any strength, you are going to get your head handed to you. ..." - George Shultz: 

THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL
DECEMBER 2016
INTERVIEW WITH GEORGE SHULTZ

 

 
 

政治新聞

星期專論》美國戰鬥機為裴洛西議長訪台護航?

2022/08/21 05:30
美國眾議院議長裴洛西8月2日深夜抵達台灣,3日早上會見蔡英文總統。(法新社)
譚慎格(John J. Tkacik)


《自由時報》和《台北時報》的讀者可能沒有注意到,但在本月初一連好幾天,有相當多的美國戰鬥機在沖繩外圍活動。七月卅日週六,《琉球新報》報導,嘉手納空軍基地頗不尋常地有九架空中加油機進駐。接著,八月二日週二剛入夜的晚間九點,八架從嘉手納基地起飛的美國空軍F-15鷹式(Eagle)戰機,出現在台北以東約五十海里處的民航管制雷達螢幕上。它們的編隊任務是「戰鬥空中巡邏(威力偵巡)」(CAP)或「防禦性制空(守勢制空)」(DCA)。除了這八架全副武裝的美國飛機,東方更遠處還有另外四架美國KC-135加油機。

這項十二架次的空中任務並非秘密行動,因為它的詢答機(transponder)訊號是即時的,被日本一個業餘航空網站透過「推特」帳號「@TokyoRadar」加以披露。@TokyoRadar推文說,這十二架飛機在空中飛行四小時後,於午夜時分返回嘉手納基地。
 
隔日傍晚稍早,日本放送協會(NHK)新聞網站報導,又有六架美國F-15戰機在下午五點廿分從嘉手納基地起飛。週三的這次任務還有三架大型KC-135加油機隨行。這九架飛機飛往台灣東部海域上空,約晚間七點在同一地點會合。
 
雷根號領軍 部署台灣東部海域
 
這些行動的時機表明,這是美國海軍和空軍為了美國聯邦眾議院議長裴洛西引發疑慮的台北之行,而執行的聯合護航行動的一部分。在護送裴洛西議長的「特種空中勤務」(special air mission)中,一架美國空軍波音737-700型專機在週二深夜進入台灣領空並非巧合,當時有八架F-15鷹式戰機從嘉手納基地起飛,在半徑五十海里範圍內巡邏,以確保議長座機的安全;三日傍晚,裴洛西專機從台北松山機場飛往南韓首爾,與六架F-15鷹式護航機會合,這架波音737飛機再次被納入一個數十英里寬的DCA防護網。
 
不僅美國空軍戰機編隊在空中掩護裴洛西議長抵達和離開台北,在台灣東部海域,還有美國海軍「雷根號」航空母艦打擊群(CSG)搭載一支滿編的艦載機聯隊。在裴洛西女士前往台灣的前一週,雷根號取消了在越南的停靠,以最高速率航向菲律賓海。在航程的尾聲,裴洛西座機的飛行路線在婆羅洲和印尼蘇拉威西島(Celebes)上空大幅改道,沿著菲律賓群島東海岸向北直飛,這是一個必要的策略,以避開直接通過南海可能帶來的安全疑慮。當裴洛西的座機在夜間從東部接近台灣時,龐大的「的黎波里號」(USS Tripoli)直升機航空母艦(helicopter carrier)載著垂直起降的陸戰隊F-35「閃電」(Lightning)戰機聯隊,在下方的海面上值勤。
 
台灣周邊地區 美再度展示軍力
 
在裴洛西訪台以及隨後的八月四日至七日中國飛彈襲擾期間,雷根號和的黎波里號特遣艦隊一直停留在台灣東部海域,蒐集中國彈道飛彈的遙測數據,並在中國膽敢挑起危機時,為台灣陸軍、空軍和海軍部隊提供支援。
 
事實上,直到我在寫這篇文章的時候,這兩艘航艦及其艦隊都還停留在台灣附近的菲律賓海海域。八月十二日週五,美國總統拜登的印度—太平洋事務協調官坎貝爾(Kurt Campbell)說:「由於中華人民共和國持續其挑釁活動,拜登總統已指示雷根號留在當地待命。」的黎波里號也同樣留守原地。這是自一九五八年福爾摩沙海峽危機以來,美國首次在台灣周邊地區展示軍力。
 
然而,這種武力展示勢在必行。英國《金融時報》(Financial Times)在七月十九日披露裴洛西議長可能訪台的消息後,北京的宣傳機器傾巢而出,向裴洛西議長和台灣總統蔡英文發出鋪天蓋地的威脅、侮辱和謾罵。
 
七月廿八日週四上午,拜登總統親自與中國國家主席習近平通話,呼籲他緩和緊張情勢,習近平卻置若罔聞。無論是透過公共媒體放話,還是在機密的外交照會(démarches)裡,中國的反應都變得更加尖銳、更咄咄逼人。《金融時報》報導,「一名知情人士表示,中方私下對美方表達了比以往『更強烈的反對立場』。」而且,「另外幾名知情人士指出,中方私下警告的措辭更為激烈,甚至暗示可能採取軍事行動回應。」中國政府控制的社群媒體也和中方秘密遞交的最後通牒裡應外合,肆無忌憚地大肆叫囂。在裴洛西推定訪台的消息披露後隔天,中共黨媒《環球時報》評論員胡錫進居然建議:「解放軍戰機可以伴飛裴洛西的專機進入台灣島,實現從大陸起飛的軍機首次穿越台灣島的歷史創舉。這將是一個比裴洛西訪台更具有里程碑意義的先例。」
 
儘管拜登的國家安全顧問蘇利文(Jake Sullivan)、參謀首長聯席會議主席密利(Mark A. Milley)將軍、印度—太平洋司令部司令阿基里諾(John C. Aquilino)海軍上將等人,都向裴洛西簡報保護她這段航程所需的精心且複雜的軍事規劃,但裴洛西議長對此並不感興趣。到了七月廿三日週六,《華盛頓郵報》專欄作家羅金(Josh Rogin)指出,美軍計畫將雷根號和的黎波里號部署到台灣,並調派空軍戰機「執行密接空中支援(CAS)」。 最後,密利將軍無疑知道議長繼續進行訪台計畫的堅定意志,他對記者說:「如果裴洛西議長或任何人決定出訪,並提出軍事協助請求,我們都將提供必要措施確保行程的安全。」
 
我猜測美國官員並沒有花多少力氣向北京掩飾這項消息。中方於是加強火力。中國國防部發言人譚克非七月廿六日表示,「中國軍隊絕不會坐視不管,必將採取強有力措施挫敗任何外部勢力干涉。」
 
中共武嚇 反促使裴洛西堅定訪台
 
或許是接到中共中央宣傳部的指示,《環球時報》評論員胡錫進再也按捺不住,火力全開。七月廿九日週五,他在「推特」上寫道:「如果美國戰機護送裴洛西的座機進入台灣,那就是侵略行為。中國人民解放軍有權強制驅離裴洛西座機和美軍戰機,包括發射各種警告彈、做阻礙性飛行動作等等。如果還是無效,就發射飛彈將它們擊落。」
 
對此,推特的審查人員嚇壞了。即使是對他們來說,主張暗殺美國眾議院議長也實在太過分了。推特於是封鎖了胡錫進的帳號,隔天胡錫進被迫刪除這則令人髮指的推文。
 
不過,傷害已經造成了。裴洛西女士比以往任何時候都更加堅定地要將她的台北之行進行到底。事實上,就在幾個月前,裴洛西議長已經冒著更大的風險出訪。五月一日,在俄羅斯向訪問烏克蘭首都基輔的聯合國秘書長古特瑞斯(Antonio Guterres)發射火箭彈的隔天,裴洛西秘密飛抵基輔,與烏克蘭總統澤倫斯基(Volodymyr Zelensky)會面,並向烏克蘭人保證,美國國會大力支持他們抵抗俄羅斯入侵。她的烏克蘭行程很成功,也是全程保密。裴洛西也試圖不讓外界得知她訪問台灣的計畫,卻被希望阻撓她出訪的行政部門官員洩漏給記者。然而,一旦訪台計畫被公開,再多的威脅也無法阻止她。
 
在我的上一篇專欄中,我曾經解釋說,「只要中國假裝對台灣有『和平解決』政策,美國也會假裝奉行『一個中國政策』。」我猜測,每當美國高層官員會見中方官員時,都會一再說明這個現實。終於,中國政府似乎聽進去了。
 
第三份對台白皮書 「和平」敲55次
 
八月十日,北京的「國務院台灣事務辦公室」(國台辦)突然發布一份「台灣問題白皮書」。這是三十年來第三份這種「白皮書」。第一份白皮書發表於一九九三年八月兩岸在北京舉行首次會談的前一天;一九九三年的版本提到「和平」這個詞共廿二次。第二份白皮書是在陳水扁當選台灣總統之前的二○○○年二月推出。其中「和平」一詞共出現廿次。
 
而在二○二二年八月的這份《台灣問題與新時代中國統一事業》白皮書中,「和平統一」共出現五十五次。雖然不多,但也算是有幾分誠意。或許就是美國戰機為裴洛西議長護航,催生了中國國務院這份數十年難得一見的「台灣」政策文件,北京終於紆尊降貴將「和平」一詞複誦了五十五次。
 
 
 
(作者譚慎格為美國退休外交官,現任美國國際評估暨戰略中心「未來亞洲計畫」主任。國際新聞中心陳泓達譯)
 

 

 



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